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I realize that this verbiage doe not comport with your psyche. And I realize that you cannot possibly conceive that your self-conceived pristine psyche can have been led astray and corrupted by mere run of the mill, self aggrandizing, politicians. It might be a SAD thing, but for the larger reality that neither you nor I really matter, except to those few who we love or hate. |
Just watch the House
At this rate, by the end of this pointless debate, some Republican is going come to the podium with a giant dildo representing Trump’s penis and give their speech with it in their mouth to make sure that the president is particularly impressed by their devotion. Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
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Your psyche seems to be in a morally depraved, self-inflicted shambles. |
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It’s time Americans say “You’re Fired” to Floridaman. Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
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There's always this weird, barely-repressed homosexuality thing going on with MAGA trolls like you. Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
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evidence of Biden corruption there, that’s asking a foreign power to interfere with our elections? Using that logic, isn’t it also asking a foreign power to interfere in our elections, when Obama asked a Russian official to postpone missile talks until after his 2012 re election? We all know that conversation, we all know exactly what it meant, Obama didn’t want to have to answer to voters what he was planning on doing with Russia and missiles. Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
I can't come close to Floridaman's actions and words.
If Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell succeeds in his public promise to ensure Trump’s acquittal regardless of the facts, the law, and the survival of our republic, we as Americans need to be prepared for a new normal, colored by a few de facto amendments to the U.S. Constitution: When Electoral College votes are tallied, we can no longer be sure that the final count represents the will of the people, as we will have condoned the possibility of elections rigged by incumbents using their official powers to threaten foreign governments into interfering on their behalf. If the president calls out troops to squelch a peaceful protest, deports American citizens because they were born in another country, or directs that certain people be arrested or imprisoned because of their political or religious views, we cannot turn to the U.S. Congress for consequences and accountability. Only the federal courts will remain as a branch with oversight over the executive, and even that recourse assumes that the president continues to honor the legitimacy of the judicial branch as a check on the presidency. If the president employs the U.S. military abroad, we cannot be sure that he is doing it to serve the interests of the United States instead of his personal interests or those of a personal “ally,” such as Russian president Vladimir Putin. We must accept that our service members who take an oath to defend the Constitution could die defending a would-be monarch or his foreign ally whose interests conflict with those of the United States. If the president taps a private lawyer, lobbyist, or corporation to undertake work as a substitute for official channels, and if that person or entity takes actions that harm Americans while serving the president’s personal interests, we will have no recourse through the Constitution, federal statutes imposing oversight on federal employees, or the Senate’s advice and consent authority for presidential appointees. We will have sanctioned a shadow government detached from legal oversight and electoral accountability, and there will be nowhere to turn within the confines of the law and the separation of powers if things go awry (which they will). For federal employees, keeping their jobs and avoiding public humiliation and potential ruin will require abject loyalty to the man in office rather than to the rule of law. The same goes for our military. If you think this is all hyperbole, read the report for yourself. |
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But actually if you look into it you'll find that both countries were in an election cycle and agreed to have the discussions continue. These things do take years even without the added pressure of elections and who knew ----------- would be so hard. You better tell Floridaman that you think it's an impeachable offense, cause he just told China that he can't cut a deal to end his trade war till after the election, though as anyone knows that could change at any minute. |
“the survival of our republic.”
despite the fact that you couldn’t name a single core part of our republic, which is in danger thanks to Trump. No hyperbole there, nope. “president calls out troops to squelch peaceful protests.” When did he do anything like that? Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
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Pete, you can’t win. You’re trying to juggle too many dishes in the air. Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
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So there is no action taken by Trump that cannot be considered an influence on the next election. Saying that something Trump does is asking for interference in the next election is superfluous verbiage. It's a political talking point, which is concocted exactly to influence the next election, as are all political talking points. The question is, was the action in itself illegal, not whether it would interfere with the next election. Was it illegal for Trump to ask Ukraine, with which we have a treaty covering what is asked, to investigate the corruption that has been a feature of its government, and to look into American citizens that have been a part of that corruption? |
TRUMP ON UKRAINE
2016: no aid unless Ukraine agrees to peace with Putin 2017: no aid unless Poroshenko takes Manafort case from NABU 2018: no aid unless Poroshenko agrees not to work with Mueller 2019: no aid until Zelensky agrees to Clinton/Crowdstrike & Biden/Burisma probes Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
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He knows Floridaman can throw him to the bear. Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
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You post article after article, opinion after opinion, conjecture after conjecture, hearsay after hearsay, all manner of second hand testimony as if they were the truth. But direct disclosure from the actual source you dismiss as a lie. This whole impeachment thing, the Russian "collusion" thing, the obstruction of justice thing were all driven by the same piling on of conjectures driven by inconclusive circumstantial evidence as well as many so called "mistakes" (all against Trump and no "mistakes" in his favor) as well as withholding exculpatory evidence and actual falsifying of a document. It all has been a bunch of manufactured smoke with no actual fire. And the so-called obstruction of Congress bit is total nonsense. Executive privilege has not been decided as unconstitutional. If the House wanted to challenge that in SCOTUS they could. But to assume (there's that assumption, conjecture, thing again) that the President asserting his rights is obstruction is turning the law and the Constitution on its head. The whole notion of separation of powers is exactly to create a tension between the branches of the federal government which prevents one from overpowering the other. |
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most pathetic impeachment ever but it's really what you'd expect from this bunch of democraps it will get much worse for them before it gets better :biglaugh: |
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Here are some key quotes (with emphasis added), from Washington’s Cabinet (whose advice he had requested) and several others: Secretary of State Timothy Pickering (in an early draft of what would become Washington’s Message to the House): “[I]n the case of a treaty, if there be any grounds for an impeachment, they will probably be found in the instrument itself. If at any time a treaty should present such grounds; and it should have been so pronounced by the House of Representatives; and a further enquiry should be necessary to discover the culpable person, or the degree of his offence; there being then a declared and ascertained object; I should deem it to be the duty of the President to furnish all the evidence which could be derived from the papers in his possession.” Treasury Secretary Oliver Wolcott (in a letter to Washington on March 26, 1796): “Except when an Impeachment is proposed & a formal enquiry instituted, I am of opinion that the House of Representatives has no right to demand papers relating to foreign negociations [sic] either pending or compleated [sic].” Secretary of War James McHenry (in a letter to Washington of March 26, 1796): “But as the house of representatives are vested with ‘the sole power of impeachment’ has it not a right as an incident of that power to call for papers respecting a treaty when the object is impeachment? I would presume that it has; but to legitimate such a call the object ought to be explicitly and formally announced. Where it is not, it is not to be presumed.” Attorney General Charles Lee (in a letter to Washington of March 26, 1796): “The house of representatives has generally from the nature of its functions a right to demand from the President such statements of the transactions in any of the executive departments as they shall conceive necessary or useful in forming their laws, and there may be occasions when the books and original papers should be produced: for instance to sustain an impeachment commenced or to discover whether there be any malversation in office which might require impeachment—But it does not therefore follow that this branch of Congress possesses a right to demand and possess without the consent of the President copies of all the instructions and documents in his custody relative to any subject whatsoever, whenever they shall be pleased to require them.” It will surprise no one that, in addition to asking his Cabinet for advice, Washington also asked Alexander Hamilton for his thoughts. In response, on March 29, 1796, Hamilton sent back a draft message for Washington’s consideration. It included the following language: “Even with reference to an animadversion on the conduct of the Agents who made the Treaty—the presumption of a criminal mismanagement of the interests of the U [sic] States ought first it is conceived to be deduced from the intrinsic nature of the Treaty & ought to be pronounced to exist previous to a further inquiry to ascertain the guilt or the guilty. Whenever the House of Representatives, proceeding upon any Treaty, shall have taken the ground that such a presumption exists in order to such an inquiry, their request to the Executive to cause to be laid before them papers which may contain information on the subject will rest on a foundation that cannot fail to secure to it due efficacy.” In addition to all this, at some point in time, Washington’s papers came to contain a letter sent by the Chief Justice of the United States, Oliver Ellsworth, on March 13, 1796, to Jonathan Trumbull, a member of the Senate and a former aid-de-camp of Washington’s. In this letter, Ellsworth wrote: “[N]or does it appear from [the pending House resolution] that [the House has] before them any legitimate object of enquiry to which the papers can apply. They have indeed a right to impeach or to originate a declaration of war, and might for those purposes have possible use for some of the papers in the late negociation [sic], but neither of those objects are avowed by the House nor are they to be presumed.” It bears emphasizing that this mulling over the possibility of impeachment was not theoretical. The Jay Treaty was a controversy that roiled the new Republic. It created a rift that would never close between James Madison and Washington. There had been popular outcry that Washington was a traitor or at best senile. And some had spoken openly of impeachment. This backdrop makes the unity of opinion regarding the House’s entitlement to documents in an impeachment proceeding all the more impressive. These writings do not address the question of how the House is to initiate an official impeachment inquiry. We will leave that issue to others. But these writings do make plain that Washington’s line about impeachment in the Jay Treaty was a deliberate concession, a seed planted in history that only now has full occasion to blossom. The above is quoted from Just Security |
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But, if that is the case, then Trump cannot be charged with a crime that has not officially been defined as a crime. And any decision by the Court to say that Executive Privilege cannot be claimed in such situations, that would be a clarification from now on. But cannot fairly be applied ex post facto. |
I think we will find out what SCOTUS thinks.
It looks to me that after Graham and the Turtle promised a sham trial with a guaranteed aquittal, Pelosi just might wait and let Floridaman play with his checkers. The Igor and Lev show is starting to make it’s way into the news along with all the Rubles and who got them. Plenty of Trumplicans don’t want to be stained with that. Floridaman’s Russian money will show up. His taxes will come out in this SCOTUS term. The walls are closing in on him and soon it will be time to retire to Mar a Lago, aka the southern swamp Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
Ask Lindsey, Floridaman doesn’t need to be charged with a crime to be impeached or is that only Dems?
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Pete I applaud your zeal, but you are involved in a debate that can’t be won, there is NOTHING you can post that will change anyone’s mind.
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Campaign Finance Law Bribery Honest Services Fraud Foreign Corrupt Practices Act Hatch Act Contempt of Congress Impoundment Act |
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“A partisan process,fueled by tribalism”
Tulsi Gabbard on why she voted present. Please explain Posted from my iPhone/Mobile device |
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I think she'd like to kick Nikki to the street and replace Pence, I wonder how Hinduism would sit with the evangelicals?
They're not driven by lust like you guys:lasso: |
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